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A SHORT ADDRESS ON 



''Watchful Waiting" Diplomacy 



by 



DiRK P. DE YOUNG 
Late of the American Consular Service 
Now Vice= President of the National Importing 
& Trading Company 

80 WALL STREET. NEW YORK 



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.vATCHFUL= WAITING" DIPLOMACY. 

VVe have been patiently waiting and eagerly watching for a very long 
■^X time for something positive to develop from the Administration's policy of 
"Witchful Waiting". But, alas, the President's prodigy is still a mystery 
which baffles all human understanding. This country has had rulers who re- 
sorted to "Dollar-Diplomacy", "Big-Stick-Diplomacy", "Shirt-Sleeve Diplom- 
acy", and other kinds in plenty, all of which have had life, meaning, and definite 
form, but what, pray tell us, is "Watchful-Waiting", as it has so far revealed 
itself, except an apparition which now j'ou see and now you don't. As, for 
instance, in the Mexican crisis, for a while it appeared to have some animate 
character, and then, behold, it vanished again into nothingness like a specter 
from the dead. Is it not time to supplant this hideous diplomatic progeny of 
the National Administration by a policy which has real flesh and blood? 

This country is today face to face with the greatest international crisis 
it has ever been our misfortune as a nation to meet. The issue must be met 
by statesmen, with a firm hand, great courage, and resourcefulness. It is the 
kind of a situation, which in earlier times, we had such men as Washington, 
Jefferson, Franklin. Jackson, and Lincoln, to lean upon. 

This is not a day for dreamers. Never before in the history of the 
world has there been so many men in arms at one time, with so many de- 
structive weapons in their hands as today. 

Never before in the history of the American people have we had such 
diversified interests abroad amid the scenes of this bloody conflict. These 
interests must be protected. The welfare of this great Republic is in a large 
measure dependent on the manner of protection we get. The rulers of this 
nation must respond to the country's needs in this hour of trial. The crisis 
must be met now with sternness, courage, and a definite, workable plan of 
action. "Watchful-Waiting" has been weighed in the balances and found 
wanting. 

I quote the following from a speech of the Honorable James R. Alann, 
Republican House Leader in Congress at Washington, D. C, although I am 
,, a Dem.ocrat of life-long standing: 
',.'• "By Order in Council of the English Government of October 29th last, 
England overrides all previous international law in regard to conditional con- 
traband of war and under the terms of that Order in Council, English war- 
ships have seized and detained footstuffs shipped in neutral vessels by Ameri- 
cans to neutral persons at neutral ports for consumption in neutral countries. 

This high-handed action of the English Government, violative of every 
contention which England has heretofore insisted uDon, and VIOLATIVE OF 
EVERY PRINCIPLE FOR WHICH OUR COUNTRY HAS HERETO- 
FORE CONTENDED, HAS RESULTED IN THE STOPPAGE OF SHIP- 
MENTS OF PACKING HOUSE PRODUCTS TO CERTAIN EUROPEAN 
COUNTRIES. 

Millions of dollars' worth of these products are in vessels which have 
been seized bv the English Government in violation of international law, and 
England has flouted our weak perfumed paper protests." 

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These appropriate words ring true, but they only touch lightly upon the 
long list of outrages committed by the English Government on the peaceful 
commerce of the United States, since the war began. Therefore it is time 
for immediate and effective action which will bring the oppressed merchant 
of this country immediate and satisfactory relief. 

Every man who has dealings with business men in Europe knows that the 
English Government is placing unreasonable and harmful restrictions on our 
foreign commerce. The outlet of exports from this country to the old world 
is daily being unnecessarily and wrongfully narrowed by the British authori- 
ties. 

This unfortunate condition vitally effects the welfare of the American 
nation. It disturbs the economic equilibrium of the country. We have sup- 
plies in abundance awaiting the hungry mouths of the millions of Europe. It 
is our gain to sell this surplus abroad. 

But today, the British Government throws aside all law and order, as if 
it were but a "scrap of paper", and supplants well-formed rules, which have been 
respected for ages by civilized nations, by the law of force. We, the citizens 
of a great independent state, cannot now ship goods in neutral vessels to 
neutral persons at neutral ports for consumption in neutral countries, without 
the unwarranted and mischievous interference of the English Government. 

The British Empire, which must rule or ruin, coerces the helpless little 
Kingdoms of Denmark and Holland into adopting rules and regulations, re- 
garding their imports and exports, which demoralize our business with these 
oppressed little nations. 

Our commerce with Holland and Denmark, great distributing centers for 
Europe, is exceedingly important. Why should we allow England or any 
other country to interfere in any way whatsoever with the peaceful progress 
of our legitimate trade with those friendly nations? Must we all suffer to 
help England starve Germany? Must Holland, and Denmark, and the United 
States, pay tribute to the British Ceasre also? Are we henceforth to be num- 
bered as dependencies of the British Empire? Are we vassal states, whose 
foreign affairs are to be left in the hands of King George's Government^ 
Since when did it come to pass that neutral countries, living in peace with one 
another, should not communicate freely and trade prodigiously to each other's 
mutual satisfaction and behoof? God forbid, if "Watchful- Waiting", dares 
to stay the hand of our nation's wholesome progress. So long as the ancient 
spirit of American freedom survives no power or potentate shall brook us in 
our lawful pursuits. 

If England and her Allies must fight Germany and her Allies, let them 
settle their disputes with such deplorable logic. But they must keep their bat- 
tered forms out of the world's public highway. They must dissipate their 
pugilistic energies within the limits of their own territories, and not disturb 
the peaceful population of the earth which is engaged in more respectable pur- 
suits. We want the high seas to be kept clear of distasteful and mischievous 
disturbances. 

Unfortunately, at this moment. England has obstinately planted her war- 
like body across the path of peaceful commerce. The neutral powers should 



make effective protest, and the American nation, the most powerful of the non- 
combatant states, should raise her voice in earnest protest high above all the 
others. 

But the administration at Washington is failing us in the hour of need. 
Our ships are searched on the high seas ; our cables passing through London 
to neutral persons in neutral countries, bearing peaceful messages, are ruth- 
lessly thrown into the censor's waste-basket. 

Why does the Washington Government still "hug the delusive phantom", 
"Watchful- Waiting"? One hundred years ago when this nation was still in 
swaddling clothes, we dared to proclaim our rights to all the world. Today, 
we are a hundred million strong, and we are afraid to speak of our world- 
wide interests above a whisper. We are the most obedient vassal of the 
British Crown. 

Not only do we truckle to the mandates of the British Foreign Office, 
but we honeycomb our foreign service with British subjects. The State 
Department is the instrument through which the foreign affairs of our gov- 
ernment is supposed to be managed. That arm of the Federal government 
is dangerously crippled today with a staff of foreigners in its employ. Most 
of these foreigners are British subjects. It is a serious matter, when a nation 
is trying to be neutral, to have so many agents of one of the belligerents in 
its confidential employ. Our army and navy are suddenly found to be hope- 
lessly deficient. What about the condition of our foreign service. Perhaps not 
only the navy and War Departments need investigation but the State Depart- 
ment as well. 

Below is a list of the "British Subjects," who hold responsible positions in 
the American diplomatic and consular service? 

British subjects in the diplomatic and consular service of 
the United States. 

Henry A. Albre. Magantic, Canada. 
David James Bailey, Huddersfield, England. 
Alexander Bain, Port Hawkesbury, Canada. 
Emely Bax, London, England, (Embassy) 

C. H. Bellamy, Roubaix, France. 
Allan Bax, Dundee, Scotland. 

G. E. Barlasse, Sherbrooke, Canada. 

Joseph Bolten, Townsville, Queensland. 

W. G. Boxshall, Buckerest, Roumania. 

T. S. Boyd. Punta Arenas, Argentine Republic. 

H. F. Bradshaw, St. Johns, Newfoundland. 

E. L. Bristow, Port Said, Egypt. 

D. M. Brodie, Sudbury, Canada. 
G. Broome, Mogadar, Morroco. 
J. P. Brophy, Salaverry, Peru. 
James Buckley, Prescott, Canada. 
U. W. Burke, Fremantle, Australia. 

B. N. Call, New Castle, New Brunswick. 



H. W. Carey, Alicante, Spain. 

R. Castle, Bristol, England. 

Alice M. Cove, St. Petersburg, Russia, (Embassy) 

D. Chester, Windsor, Canada. 
J. A. Chesney, Valencia, Spain. 
A. J. Chester, Sarnia, Canada. 
James Chue, Hong Kong, China. 
T. H. Cook, Nottingham, England. 
A. V. W. Cotter, Munich, Germany. 
William R. Cox, Para, Brazil. 

A. J. A. Craven, Chittugong, India. 

F. Crundall, Dover, England. 
W. E. Daly, Brighton, W. I. 

G. W. Dawson, Cork, Ireland. 

James Dawson, St. Saulte Marie, Canada. 
P. J. Dean, Grenada, Spain. 

E. J. Dempster, Tangier. (Legation) 
H. S. Hill, Halifax, N. S. 

E. J. Hodson, London, England. (Embassy) 
Fransis Hodson, London, England, (Embassy) 
D. J. Howells, Odessa, Russia. 

L. H. Hoile, Berlin, Germany, (Embassy) 
J. B. Hunt, Owen Sound, Canada. 
J. E. A. Ince, Barbados, W. I. 

D. H. Jackson, Port Antonio, Jamaica. 
H. D. Jameson, London, England. 

W. S. Jones, Turks Island, W. I. 
S. Kirkconnel, Bonaca, Hondurus. 

F. A. Lee, Arica, Chili. 
J. S. Levack, Bagdad. 

H. C. V. Le Vatte, Louisburg, Canad' 
J. A. Love, Greenoch, Scotland. 

E. Ludlow, Limerick, Ireland. 
N. H. Macdonald, Samoa. 

M. J. Mack, Liverpool, Canada. 

G. R. Martin, Rostoff-on-Don, Russia. 

F. E. Mason, Athens, Greece, (Legation). 
R. H. Moore, Kenora, Canada. 

G. Mortimer, Niagara Falls, Canada. 
E. S. Mosely, Manchester, England. 
J. W. Thomas, Manchester, England. 

R. H. L. Mummenhof, Hamburg, Germany. 
H. C. Nielsen, West Hartlepool, England. 
H. Nixon, New Castle-on-Tyne, England. 
J. H. Owen, Annapolis Royal, Canada. 
W. H. Owen, Bridgewater, Canada. 
Luther J. Parr, Sheffield, England. 
S. S. Partridge, Leicester, England. 



F. T. Peake, Suez. 

W. Pierce, Liverpool, England. 
B. N. Powell, Soerabaja, Java. 

G. H. Prosser, Adelaide, Australia. 
W. D. Rees, Swansea, Wales. 

E. B. Renouf, Jersey, England. 

M. Ringnet, Jr., Rimouski, Canada. 

J. J. H. Rix, The Hague, Netherlands, (Legation) 

R. D. Roberts, Holyhead, Wales. 

E. L. Rogers, Karachi, India. 
G. A. Rowlings, Sydney, W. S. 

D. J. Rudolf, Lunenberg, N. S. 
J. Sanderson, Cadiz, Spain. 

F. T. Sargent, Mathewtown, Bahamas. 
A. E. Sanders, Tripoli-in-Barbary. 

L. E. Scott, Ceiba, Honduras. 

Alfred Seligman, Libau, Russia. 

W. N. Sinclair, Prince Edward Islands. 

E. V. Soloman, Nassau, Bahamas. 

C. A. Steeves, Monactor, Canada. 
W. B. Stewart. Digby, N. S. 

P. Swanston, Grand Canary, Canary Islands. 

E. Taylor, Leeds, England. 

R. A. Tennant, Galway, Ireland. 

D. S. Trovell, Toronto, Canada. 

A. S. Trhoughten, Malaga, Spain. 

J. A. Trumbell, Malta, Maltese Islands. 

C. N. Vroom, St. Stephen. New Brunswick. 

P. H. Waddell, Troon. Scotland. 

F. N. Wradrop, Sandakan. 

H. Watson, San Pedro, Canada. 

B. A. S. Weber, Orilla, Canada. 

E. E. Webster, Hobart, Tasmania. 
R. F. White, Midland, Canada. 

W. Whitman, Bologne sur-mer, France. 
A. E. Whyte, Wellington, New Zealand. 
J. W. Wilkinson, Smyrna, Turkey. 
W. J. Williams, Tahiti, Society Islands. 

C. B. G. Wilson, Paita, Peru. 
S. J. Young, Trenton, Canada. 
E. P. Duder, Bahia, Brazil. 

J. W. Collins, Brisbane, Australia. 

J. Donaghy, St. Johns, Canada. 

C. K. Eddowes, Derby, England. 

A. H. Elford. Oran, Africa. 

M. Fazel, Maskat. 

W. H. Fuller, East London, Canada. 

James Fisher, Hull, England. 



M. B. Fisher, Hemmingsford, England. 

W. R. Foot, Parry Sound, Canada. 

F. W. Fuller, Weymouth, England. 

T. R. Geary, Malaga, Spain. 

W. Gibbens, Cornwall, England. 

P. Gorman, Montreal, Canada. 

Alfred R. Grech, Dardanelles, Turkey. 

A. H. Fernandez, Jerez de la Frontera, Spain. 

A. E. Fichardt, Bloemfontein, S. A. 

A. W. Harriott, Salt Cay, W. I. 

C. Hartlett, Melbourne, Australia. 

H. A. Whitman, Canso, N. S. 

Joseph Heim, Penang, Straits Settlements. 

A. B. D. Rerrie, St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica. 

J. O. Spence, Lourence Marques, S. A. 

According to the State Department's Official Register, of November, 1913, 
we have here over 125 "British Subjects", holding responsible positions in our 
foreign service. Most of these are officers. There are probably as many more 
who are not listed in the Official Register as "British Subjects". Besides, 
there is a great number of clerks in the foreign missions of the United 
States who are not listed in the official biographies at all. There are a few 
subjects of other countries also in our consular and diplomatic service, but 
by no means so many as of the English. It is very likely that the United 
States has 1000 persons, subjects of other countries, employed m the diplo- 
matic and consular service. Is this, too, an adjunct of "Watchful- Waiting"? 

This appalling list shows three Englishmen as clerks in good positions in 
the American Embassy in London; and an Englishman as chancellor of our 
Legation at The Hague; Englishmen as clerks, secretaries, or chancellors, as 
they may choose to call themselves, in Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Athens. 
Have we no Americans to fill these positions which pay from $1000. per annum 
and upwards? How many Americans do you suppose are employed in His 
Britanic Majesty's Embassies? 

In the American Consulate-General in London, an Englishman is deputy- 
consul-general, and several English clerks are employed. In Liverpool, our 
consulate has two English deputy-consuls; in Manchester, England, British 
subjects hold the positions of vice-consul, and deputy-consul. In fact, in almost 
every American consulate in the British Isles, the staff is comprised of 
British subjects, and what is more important Englishmen have been injected 
into our foreign service in all other countries, the German empire having 
its full quoto of "English" American consular officers too. In the American 
consulate at Paris, we have more foreigners on the pay-roll than Americans. 
An Englishman in that office was, until recently, and no doubt is still, paid 
more than an American who has been in the office for years, and is an inter- 
national lawyer of repute. Our consul-general-at-large, a year ago, for the 
district of Europe, an officer who does inspection duty at all the consulates, 
had an Englishman as his private secretary, who could absorb all the secrets 
of all our foreign offices. Bear in mind that these foreigners in our service 



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have daily access to most important documents and many of them have in 
their possession our secret cipher code. 

Fifty per cent of the positions in our diplomatic and consular service 
now filled by foreigners are desirable enough to attract Americans to them. 
Perhaps even more than that, because there are many young men in this 
country who would go abroad for a few years, for the valuable experience 
it would give them, without being particular about much remuneration. The 
fault is in the State Department and its inexorable machine; another illustrious 
example of "Watchful Waiting", while foreigners take the emoluments of 
office rightfully belonging to the citizenship of this country. 

This is a most serious situation. Are our foreign afifairs in proper 
hands? Are these hosts of foreigners in our confidential employ serving us 
or serving their own countries? Is it possible for us to be strictly neutral 
under these deplorable circumstances? Are our commercial interests abroad 
properly safeguarded by these foreign agents? These, and many more facts 
hidden beneath the cloud of mystery which perpetually hangs over the dark 
corridors of the State Department, are problems which a "Watchful- Wait- 
ing" policy will never solve. 

Shall the American nation emerge from the present crisis in Europe such 
a laughable spectacle as we are today in Mexico? Or shall we redeem our- 
selves in the eyes of the world? 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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